上期追踪 REED ASR4月新文 表演维度（上篇）
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本期看点
表演模型追踪了如何通过公开解释声称是国家的组织的行为来创造暴力的正当性和权力的合法性。
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简 介
弗吉尼亚大学的Iassc Reed在4.1日Publish了一篇历史社会学State-Building的新文在ASR上，这篇文章Iass Reed探讨了State-Formation具有Performative Dimension，其中原始国家的代理人所做出的暴力，胁迫和谈判行为的宣传，以及对这些行为的可变解释，Performative对国家的成功至关重要（或失败）和发展性。本文共有22000words，较长，对该文的分析将分为理论部分（上）和实证总结部分（下），本文是讨论的下篇。
关键词：
agency theory power rebellion federal government political sociology
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IASSC REED 介绍和剪影
The Problem of Explaining the Formation of the Early American State
Outcome是什么？The General Government
美国史学中众所周知的争论是对美国政府在内战之前是强还是弱的争论whether the federal apparatus in that period is bestcharacterized as a state of “courts and parties,” 12 and, perhaps mostprominently, how we should think about the relationship between the developmentof federal state capacity and recurrent strains of anti-statism in Americanpolitical culture (Baker 2002; Ericson 2017; Freehling 1994; Gerstle 2017; John 1997; Katznelson 2002; Novak 2008; Opal 2013; Skowronek 1982).
战前美国有一个联邦国家机构，其四个广泛的治理和控制点是 (1) the commerce system and the national market, (2)security and westward expansion, (3) use of tariffs, and (4) use of “the law toshape the political landscape” (Balogh 2009:381).
Guns,Money, and the Agency Problems Posed by Early American Militias
早期美国军事权力的动员和使用与大多数国家较为不同，极度依赖于：民兵制。
Mann (2012) cites conscription as a key innovation ofthe American War of Independence, and the cozy relationship between revolutionary leaders andlarge merchants and bankers on the Eastern Seaboard is well established. However, a war for independence and the formation of a federal state apparatusare not the same thing, and in the case of the former North American coloniesof the United Kingdom, this was especially the case when it came to militaryforce.
I believe, what Mann (2012:151–2) is referring to when he discusses conscription in theAmerican revolution, the first “mass mobilization warfare,” and thus the way the revolution let“the ‘people’ onstage” inhistory. 14 But, if militias were an option for the federalgovernment, they were always potentially a problem for thatgovernment as well, due to the politics of organized violence in this era andthe “dual army” tradition(Cress 1982; Herrera 2015; Higginbotham 1998; Laver 2002; Mahon 1960; Weigley 1984).
其结果是，在美国早期共和国中使用有组织的暴力行为既不符合官僚法国模式，也不符合本土的贵族模式，在欧洲现代性的社会学叙事中，这种模式在拿破仑理性的推动下被粉碎。And every instance of land conflict with an external enemyinvolved an amalgamation of citizen militia forces with a small number ofregulars, a process that was messy and often involved resentment, politicking,and even treachery or sabotage (Gaff 2004). Finally, as we will see, militias and the threat ofcoercion they contained could, precisely because of their local orientation, beused to resist federal power, particularly the power of the legalsystem.
Ambiguityof National Symbols
如果暴力掌握在县民兵和各州的“治安（Policing）权力”手中，那么联邦机构的合法性是否可能来自文化认同？答案是：There was not anequivalent institution, in the early American republic, to the Church in the Netherlands, or a tightly bound elite with a familial imagination. A significant literature, however,describes ritual and festival in the early republic as a route to creating theAmerican nation as an imagined community (Neem 2011; Newman 1997; Waldstreicher 1997).
甚至是“反联邦的”
The evidence points against this culture abetting the legitimacy of the federal government and is highly ambiguous, at best, when it comes to the possibility that “nationalidentity” trumped various local and state identities in the 1780s and 1790s (Berkin 2017).
In other words, there was no obviousor taken-for-granted fusion between “American nation” and “general government” before the turn of the century. During this period, these symbols of the nation could be used either for or against thelegitimacy of the general government—the erection of liberty poles, forexample, could signify adherence to, or defiance of, federal laws.
令人烦恼的种族认同问题为理解美国早期国家形成的文化层面提供了更有希望的途径，因为given (1) the three-fifths clause andthe debates surrounding it that contributed to the writing of the Constitution;(2) the origins of local policing policies and governors’ emergency powers,especially in the American south, in the need to command, control, andviolently dehumanize the enslaved population; and (3) the racialized elementsof the ongoing guerrilla war between American settlers and members of Indiantribes in the Northwest and Southwest Territories after the Treaty of Paris in1783.
The Emergence of the Press as a Stage for State
Action andits Variable Interpretation
一种形式的物质文化确实将十八世纪末的美国公民联系在一起：印刷社。在独立前的时代，报纸和小册子的制作已经建立了一套完善且高度合法的解决方案，将代理问题作为其结构的一部分。
The relationship between printers andthose who wrote pamphlets and funded their publication was that of artisan (agent) and gentleman(principal). Gentlemen published anonymously to protect their “honor,” and printerswere highly deferential to them.
可以合理地假设这种关系持续到革命后时代，因此构成了建立联邦政府公共合法性的特别有利的手段。但是，Instead, the world ofnewspapers—particularly in the 1790s—ballooned into a semi-autonomous field of its own (for aparallel argument about book publishing, see Remer 1996). Printer-editorsemerged as “new men of power,” less and less responsive to the gentlemen whoran the federal government. Thus, gentleman principals lost their artisanagents as the social character and positioning of newspapers was transformed.
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一战时，飞机发传单印刷物的“宣传炮弹”屡见不鲜
The quantitative expansion ofjournalism, and its emergence as a field (which anxious elites referred to asthe “tyranny of printers”) had three important features：
First,the press network was radically decentralized compared to Britain or France, where the system was centered on the word from London or Paris. Instead, the early American republicsaw hundreds of local papers spring up, die off, and be reinvented, in anever-evolving maelstrom of print culture. Second, the reach of exciting stories was extensive, due to the habitual process of “exchange,” whereby faraway papers ran storiesby clipping pieces from other papers—having “an effect akin to modernnewswires” (Parkinson 2016:15). 19 These storiescertainly reached a very broad and, for the era, highly literate public thatconstituted the American electorate (Monaghan 2005; Parkinson 2016). Third, especially over the course of the 1790s, the field of newspapers became a hyperpolarized space of warring interpretations. Even withinPhiladelphia, different readers would receive different “spins” on news incommon.
其中“每个人都知道每个人都知道”发生了这个或那个事件，但是通过相同的设备对该事件的解释受到显着变化的影响。换句话说，媒体可能是公共表演的一个阶段，而不是一个以紧密的方式传达信息和观点的社会化机制。
This reinterpretation of the earlyAmerican press has consequences for theory. One cannot assume that a mediasystem in which similar news stories are read in different quarters of a large,spread-out society fuses nation to state directly via the standardization of printcapitalism (Anderson [1983] 2006). Rather, such a system may constitute an extensive publicapparatus, in which “everyone knows that everyone knows” that this or thatevent happened, but in which the interpretation of that event is, via that sameapparatus, subject to significant variation.
实证部分：The Whiskey Rebellion
紧急事态: TaxResistance Becomes a Violent and Widely Known Subversion of Law
威士忌叛乱涉及美国在革命和内战之间最大的军队暴动(Troop Movement)。这些部队应对因抵抗威士忌消费而导致的暴力紧急情况。作为更大的农村顽固性国家形成的一部分，税收抵抗在1791年之后在美国西部地区普遍存在。
7月17日，500名民兵与头部税务检查员和几名武装人员进行了交火，将他的房屋烧毁，8月1日，一支7000人的军队在匹兹堡游行。这支军队打出“Westsylvania”旗帜，这标志着宾夕法尼亚州最西部的四个县和弗吉尼亚州的两个最北部县（今西弗吉尼亚州）为独立的政治实体。George Washington proclaimed a stateof emergency on August 7, 1794.
国家行动I：Public Speeches and Networks of Communication EnableWashington and His Cabinet to Assemble an Army
华盛顿的积累暴力手段的项目。这是通过华盛顿和弗吉尼亚州，宾夕法尼亚州和新泽西州的州长发表的一系列宣言和激动人心的演讲而发生的。其中一些表演是通过信件，然后是演讲。These initial “callings up” were successful and representeda tremendous outlay of scarce federal resources, as commitments to pay statefunds to foot soldiers were made.
国家行动II：A Two-Part Performance ofNegotiation and Magnificent Coercion
代表联邦和周的谈判小组：Sent ahead of the amassed troops in the movement west fromPhiladelphia were two negotiating teams—representing the federal andPennsylvania governments.
Via face-to-face interactionsand letters back and forth with a set of 12 men who represented a set of 60 menwho represented the rebels, these teams acted out a “state solution” to the rebellion.
随后，叛乱分子于8月28日和29日举行会议，他们投票决定接受联邦当局的批准：On September 11, in a large public event held in every townin Pennsylvania west of the Allegheny Mountains, white male citizens came out to sign an oath ofallegiance to the federal government.
这种服从行为之后是拼凑而成“联邦军”的到来
The process of getting approximately12,950 troops, cobbledtogether from various militias of varying size, over the Alleghenymountain range involved agreat deal of dissembling and awkward negotiation of agency problems.
但是军队非常蹩脚
But the army was ill-equipped,under-fed, and not yet paid; Henry Knox and others in the administration thushad to hide from Washington (and the press) soldiers’ repeated raids on localfarms. Letters show that the day-to-day process of the march was not a prettysight (Hogeland 2010:207–36).
然而，却得到了戏剧性的成功表演，在目击者记录中得到了较好的反馈。
这个场景所产生的印象对于理解美国早期国家的建立具有重要意义。囚犯被这个观察者的想象所亵渎，与被憎恨的被奴役者类似。Furthermore, the wealth and strengthof the state apparatus is merged together in the sensory impression of thehorses and their swords, held aloft to signify the might of the new Leviathan. Yet this was pure drama; thePhiladelphia Light Horse was privately funded, it was the publicperformance that made them the avatar of the federal government.随着对威士忌叛乱的解释的发展，公民会认为政府既“可畏（Dreadful）”又“公平（Fair）”，因此，通过国家权力积累的表演层面，合法有效。
公众解释：A Two-Part Performance of Negotiation andMagnificent Coercion
威士忌判断在报纸印刷界展开了激烈的讨论：汉密尔顿，反和汉密尔顿；联邦主义，反联邦主义；反对叛乱，同情叛乱等等。
The General Advertiser ofPhiladelphia reported the “disagreeable news” about the violence on July 25 and26, 1794 (Owen 2015:165); Hamilton’s letter was published in the AmericanDaily Advertiser on August 21, 1794, and “by having this version ofevents printed in the newspaper first, the administration gained the initiativein influencing public opinion regarding the decision to use force against therebels” (Davis 2000:50). Hamilton’s letter provided a narrative history of theevents in clear moral language, and it was the first “total” account (i.e.,attributing cause, discussing conditions and the purpose of the excise law,placing blame) to be widely published. Its efflorescent rhetoric denounced byname several local elites as outside the law, a public denunciation thatinfluenced law and its execution—those named were, at a later date, not offeredamnesty (Davis 2000).
回想起来，这是一个具有讽刺意味的声明，因为在叛乱的历史编纂中，人们在这些规范和规则中采取了哪些行动并且不在其中的行为存在巨大争议（参见Davis 2000 ; Griffin 2007 ; Hogeland 2010 ; Neem 2003）。但是，当时通过全国各地的争论和反驳，在公开解释国家行动时出现的是反叛分子的暴力行为失灵; 国家对叛乱分子的反应（相对）可以理解; 最重要的是，some legitimacy could beascribed to the exchange that occurred in the negotiation between thegovernment’s agents and the rebel committee.
在公众眼中，美国联邦合法性被重塑：a picture of government restraint andhighly moral enforcement of laws. The exchange between citizen and sovereignstate—of obedience for amnesty, and a promise from Washington to try taxresisters locally—signified, in its pragmatism, the reality and legitimacy ofthe new federal government. It thus became “the general view that the federalgovernment had demonstrated to its citizens, and to the world, that it couldwithstand domestic rebellion without resorting to tyrannical measures . . . toshow both resolve and leniency” (Berkin 2017:79).
Conclusions
Reed认为新美国联邦政府的组建取决于通过绩效积累权力。帮助建立美国国家的表演发生在一个环境中，即国家行为者对暴力的解释不确定 - 既不是纯布迪厄那套文化和传统的编纂，也不是纯蒂利那套由压倒性的资本，强制或组织来保障。而是：itwas through the skilful combination of negotiation, coercion, and well-timedpublicity, in the crushing ofthe Whiskey Rebellion, and the skilful combination of violence, destruction,and well-timed publicity, in the Battle of Fallen Timbers, that the new federal government,via its agents, came into being as a solid part of the social universe.
在提出这一论点时，代理理论的语言特别有用，这使我能够表明如何将表演性的国家形成视为对现存社会学国家形成理论所确定的未来国家的相同组织问题的解决方案。As such, the argument proceedsaccording to an understanding of state power focused on the hierarchicalrelationships that obtained, to varying degrees, between rulers, staff, eliteallies, and the electorate—an understanding of state power borrowed, as itwere, from the realist strands of Weber and the early work of Tilly. In thisconclusion, I invert theform of argument to address extant issues in contemporary sociological theorythat start from performance and dramaturgy.
在社会理论中，表演的概念允许通过强调有意义的行动和互动的方面来修订文化的结构性叙述，这些行为和互动通过说和做来使社会生活成为现实。The dramaturgical metaphor and itsrelated concepts—frontstage, backstage, actor, audience, mis-en-scène—providean approach to social processes and their interpretation that emphasizes timing,rhetorical skill, persuasion, creativity, and publicity (Alexander 2004; Goffman [1956]1978; Turner 1982; Wagner-Pacifici 1986, 2000).
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